A Reconstitution of the Left?
A month ago a member of Worker’s World came
from New York
to talk at May Day. He hosted a
discussion on why the left should unite.
His organization – or former organization - Worker’s World - originated out of the Trotskyist
Socialist Workers Party in the 1950s. It
is very activist, runs candidates and is heavily involved in the anti-war
movement in the U.S.,
where it is influential in one national coalition. It also recently endured a split. It calls itself "Marxist-Leninist," works in a somewhat heavy-handed manner
and does not allow known factions in its ranks from my experience.
I welcome this initiative. Most people on the left – and by this I mean
the Marxist left - intellectually ‘know’ that the left needs to unite in some
way to have any impact in a massive country like the U.S., among a very diffuse
and variegated working class. After hearing his talk and some discussion, members
and supporters of Socialist Action, the Revolutionary Communist Party and the
Communist Party, along with independents, nodded in agreement that unity was a
‘good idea.’ But when a resolution was
raised to write a letter to the heads of the various left groups in the U.S. to suggest
unity talks, it was not taken up.
As the joke goes, ‘workers of the world
unite’ is all fine and good for the hoi polloi working class, but it certainly
can’t apply to Marxists! After all,
Lenin – ah Lenin – split with those damn Mensheviks and after all – all those
OTHER groups are Mensheviki too! So why
should we unite with ‘Mensheviks’ and deviate from our unilateral effort of
‘building’ the perfect “Marxist-Leninist” Party? The flip side is that 'those people' are hopeless ultra-lefts and no one can work with them. Or so the rhetoric goes. And some of it is true.
But here’s why.
Because the term “Leninist” in the present context does not mean what it
meant on the eve of the Bolshevik revolution.
It is a code word that theoretically justifies the isolation of small
groups of leftists, and which as a consequence, gives them very limited
influence. It is reflective of a ‘small
group mentality’ - which Lenin denounced himself. Oddly
enough, for more than 14 years, from 1898 to 1912, the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks existed in
the same organization, even under conditions of illegality for a time. The 1912 split occurred only 5 years before the October revolution. The split naturally evolved in the Russian
context and was definitive when the Mensheviks backed the imperialist
World War I in 1914. It reflected the
growth in consciousness of the working class movement in Russia, not a
pre-determined schema imposed from the past.
The so-called Leninist form of organization is especially suited for the taking
of power and for illegal work, and neither of these conditions exist presently
in most countries.
Contributing to the myth of Leninism is the
extreme fetishization of the revolution in Russia. It is the wet-dream of every American leftist
that never ends. Everyone loves
success! But when you have to hark back
to something almost 100 years ago in a country with a small working class, a
weak bourgeoisie, a ruling royal clique and a very large peasantry, you are not
describing very many countries in the world anymore. Most of the world has crossed over to urbanism. Kings are few and far between, except in
certain Muslim countries. Especially the international bourgeoisie is far stronger in most places.
Certainly the U.S. is
nothing like Russia
in 1917. The German revolution of
1918-1919 is far more reflective of conditions in the U.S. and other
developed and semi-developed countries – and certainly, that was unsuccessful,
even then. But it should be studied for
that very reason. It involved more than
a dozen significant large mass organizations that supported the move to a working-class
‘council republic’ – not just the Spartacus League. More modern events, like May-June 1968
in France, the Communes in China and attempted
revolutions in Pakistan
and elsewhere should also be studied. Certainly
the more recent an event involving the working classes, the more valuable it is
to look at.
Success is what people want, which is why
there were so many Soviet, then Chinese, then Cuban, then Vietnamese acolytes in
the 1960s and 1970s – all now come to grief or chastened. The Chinese, Korean, Yugoslav, Albanian and
Vietnamese revolutions were part of a massive anti-fascist / anti-imperialist
struggle originating out of World War II, not based on urban revolutions
posing a sole ‘class v class’ perspective.
The Vietnamese (and Cubans) won later, based on guerrilla warfare,
backed by the majority of the population.
The Vietnamese staked their struggle on anti-imperialism, the Cubans on an
anti-dictatorial/anti-imperialist slant.
In retrospect, without World War I it would have been harder for the successful
insurrection in Russia and
the unsuccessful insurrections in Germany
and Hungary
to come about. Without World War II it
is doubtful that the Soviet Army would have rolled into Poland, Hungary,
and the rest of Central Europe and backed the
move to workers states there. (Which
might surprise so many American anti-communists.)
War is a mother of revolution. Imperialism is a mother of revolution. When there is no war, what then? Guerrilla war? That strategy is not workable for most
countries presently, although rural guerrilla groups have been somewhat successful in Nepal and have held their own in India. As urban areas gain more social weight, this
strategy will become more difficult. Urban
guerrilla warfare was somewhat successful 40 years ago in certain countries,
but nowhere did it lead to a victory.
In Europe there are tentative moves in the
direction of unity among elements of the ‘hard left’ and even the ‘soft left’
due to the capitalist decay in Europe. Certainly the SYRIZA bloc in Greece was
called forth by conditions, although the Greek Communist Party refused to participate
and has adopted a ‘go-it-alone’ strategy.
This SYRIZA block has been imitated now in Italy, especially for the Euro-elections. The formation of the Anti-Capitalist Party in
France
is open to all anti-capitalists, but the Communist Party has refused to
participate there too, and blocked with the neo-liberal Socialist Party
candidates instead. The formation of
“Refoundation” in Italy
many years ago was out of Maoist, Trotskyist and former left-CP groups, as the
CP itself became an openly social-democratic formation. Events in Spain are pushing certain groups
together - Podemos and the United Left. In Venezuela the mass socialist party
there unites many disparate elements. You
might be able to name other formations across the world, as I do not follow
these developments closely anymore. But
that doesn’t change the imperative. (I have been informed by an article by Murray Smith that other similar European organizations are the Scottish Socialist Party, Dei Linke in Luxembourg, the Danish "Red-Green Alliance," the Portugese "Left Bloc and a new organization in Britain, Left Unity.)
World-wide there has to be a reorganization
of the left, a ‘refoundation.’ A process
of reorganization of the U.S.
left would go something like this. Call
it what you will, by the way. A ‘left front’
could lead to an ‘anti-capitalist front,’ which could lead to a broad ‘workers
front’ – all based on class principles.
Left groups would not lose their existence, but endure as groupings
within broader formations. They would
sit on a ‘left front’ steering committee which would be composed of members of
constituent groups, and after awhile, elected by the broader organization. As many independent leftists, socialists and
workers join a formation not dominated by a single tendency, that ‘front’ might
begin to have an independent existence as something greater than its parts,
with more national weight than any one group. It might even pull in left groups
that had initially hesitated. It would
be united on certain broad demands and perhaps methods, though not necessarily on
a complete agreement on every point of history!
For instance, arguing about Scottish nationalism or the Hitler/Stalin
pact at this point should not impede joint work. Organizations that specialized in certain
areas of work could continue that, but under the name of the ‘front.’ Comrades with talents in writing, speaking,
educating, organizing, security, practical and cultural arts, self-defense, tech knowledge and other skills will be
able to pool their resources instead of limping along on their own. In a city like Minneapolis, a left front like this could
have hundreds of members pretty quickly if done right, and be influential in a good number of
groups.
This left front could run candidates,
participate in union affairs, engage in occupations, strikes, organize both
legal and illegal actions where necessary.
Eventually this grouping could attract even proletarian anarchists like
the IWW, black and Latino groups that might not be leftist, and anyone
who is anti-capitalist, though they might not necessarily be Marxist or
explicitly socialist. A broader
anti-capitalist action front could then engage with larger formations, like
unions and eventually draw advanced workers, unions, and working-class community groups into a
broad ‘workers front’ based on class struggle across the whole society, in
every arena, including the electoral one.
In this whole process, certain groups or people that do not advance the
struggle but side with the capitalists or their Parties will be exposed and
they will, naturally – as did the Mensheviks – drop away.
The benefit of present ‘Leninist’
organization is that it preserves a homunculus of activists who are able to
carry on theoretical and practical work, even in the worst conditions of
working class inactivity. It trains and educates people in valuable skills that many people do not have. It is like a
seed whose hard shell protects those traditions and that organization, and
allows them to endure. We are all
familiar with vague leftist groups that disappeared because of a lack of
internal organization – look at the various groups organized around CLR James
based on the spontaneity of the class.
However, that same ‘hard shell’ can become sterile when it does not
allow roots to grow. Sorry to go all “Being
There” on you, but its pretty obvious if your goal is larger than a seat on the
local anti-war committee.
And after taking power, it should begin to 'whither away' as the proletariat becomes more active and organized.
I have a theory that, at present, there is
a mathematical relationship between the number of full-timers on staff in any group and the number of members required to support them. Of course, this also relates to how high the
‘tax’ is on the members. If a group gets too large and ostensibly
‘diverse’ the ‘leaders’ can no longer accommodate or control the group, as most
present leaders are not capable of handling groups over a certain size. Sociologists would be able to pinpoint that number,
but it is in the hundreds. Splits then
occur. This also accounts for the
tremendous revolving door that these groups have, and why they generally do not
grow, or grow and collapse. Their
long-term behavior imitates unions, as a clique of experienced old-timers sit
at the top, having grown comfortable with each other. Nothing can disturb this set up until some
critical moment comes when there are not enough dues-paying members, and the
group implodes. Or leaders have a falling-out. Or they are flooded by new people.
The impetus for unity will arise from
outside the left if there is ever a serious challenge to capitalist power – and
it will come from a working class which is puzzled by so many left sects. Severe economic austerity, war, the rise of
fascist organizations, a crumbling of living standards, the weakening of unions, the theoretical
bankruptcy of bourgeois parties and neo-liberalism – all put pressure on the
left to work together. Ultimately it is
the experience of people in struggle that leads them to understand the issues
dividing left groups at present. No
amount of assigned reading will do that.
Marx commented that “one step of real progress is worth a dozen
Programmes.”
“A
million or two of workingmen's votes next November for a bona fide workingmen's
party is worth infinitely more at present than a hundred thousand votes for a
doctrinally perfect platform.” –
Engels, “Condition of the English Working Class.” - 1844
For instance, while some
people find weaknesses with the practice of Socialist Alternative here in the U.S., their electoral victory in Seattle has put actual
‘socialists’ back on the map, which is no small feat.
If working-class people
cannot work together due to ethnic or cultural issues, if unions raid each
others turf, if some unions block with management, if some union leaders work
with the capitalist parties exclusively, then how can leftists preach class
unity when they themselves replicate the very same problems? The present left is a reflection of the low
level of the working class it is produced by, of course. Cynics will say it can’t be done, and they
have a point. Most leaders of left
groups have not been able to get along. Very little joint activity exists except in broad single-issue coalitions. Single-issue coalitions by their nature cannot really mount a significant challenge to the class system. We are overrun with single-issue struggles. I see no other choice at present than beginning to work together in a long-term way.
The present ‘Leninist’ organizations hope
that one-on-one recruiting to each small group will prepare each for the ‘swell’
of class struggle to lift their little boat to the heights. Each group has a story to tell to prospective
members and to the present cadre, in the past or present or ‘future.’ It is about
the great work that was done or is being done somewhere else, or that they just
did, or will happen in the future. This is the bedtime story of
success sung to the comrades - for each group has one or several traditions to rely on. I certainly listened to it for a time. As the months or years go by, the glory fades
and waiting continues All in all, on
the whole, a sort of passive, economist waiting. Lenin actually did not believe that ‘events’
are conclusive. No automatic ‘collapse’
will suddenly expose the capitalist lie – for they can usually weather even the
most dreadful storm they have created – like Katrina, the invasion of Iraq, the 2008
market collapse, the bankruptcy of Detroit. These challenges cannot be fought in the modern U.S. without a significant
organization. Right now that organization does not exist, and will not exist by present methods.
P.S. - The Slovenian "United Left Coalition," which has support from every Slovenian ethnic group, won 6 seats in Parliament in the recent elections. The left is coming back in the former workers' states!
Red Frog
May 23, 2014