“Building the Commune –
Radical Democracy in Venezuela,”
by George Ciccariello-Maher, 2016
This illuminating little
book goes a great way in explaining how socialism might advance in the present
day. It illustrates how a combination of
a mass Socialist party, repeated electoral victories by that party and
progressive legal/government law changes intersect with a mass movement on the ground, intent
on creating communes, cooperatives and collectives across a country. In a sense, how both a national and local
approach to socialism can be successful if joined together.
In Venezuela
it has created a socialistic political and economic ‘dual’ power challenging an
entrenched capitalist state backed by a bourgeois counter-revolution.
Ciccariello-Maher combines a
Marxist analysis with in-depth reporting and interviews on people’s
developments in Venezuela. On the U.S. terrain we have only these
things in embryo, which shows the incredible weakness of our society of
de-politicization. What the U.S. propaganda network shows about Venezuela is
uniformly negative. This book is highly
optimistic about the possibilities for radical social change, even in the
present dire circumstances in Venezuela. As communistas say in the book, the
revolution will not die even missing Chavez or Maduro.
The reason is the communes formed and forming across Venezuela, combining economic
self-sufficiency and production with political mass democracy and socialist
goals. Mostly organized in geographic
zones, they exist in barrios and rural areas, defended by armed 'collectives' comrades on
motorcycles, Chavista-era laws and some state money. They exist against the right-wing in the Chavista United Socialist Party (PSUV), as well as the capitalist political organizations. The do not oppose the general to the
specific, the local to the national, the large to the small, the top to the
bottom, the central to the decentralized, the island to the sea, but
dialectically attempt to combine the two.
This movement towards collective organization all started in 1989 in
Venezuela during the ‘Caracazo,” when the right-wing pro-imperialist
government’s army killed many during a mass uprising against the economic and
social system. The Caracazo was a
stimulus to Chavez and the subsequent growth of Venezuelan socialism. Collectives began to develop based on
self-defense of certain geographic areas, which became no-go areas of the
police. After Chavez was elected, a law
in 2006 gave governmental support to the development of communes. This allowed them to
take over unused land or buildings or the property of renegade capitalists, and
which allowed them to receive some governmental financial aid. This aid, which most left communistas know
can weaken a commune, spurred them to become even more self-sufficient. Since 2013, 1,546 communes, 45,000
communal councils and 1000s of ESPs were registered in Venezuela. An ESP is a ‘social property unit.’ Squatters, the landless or land poor, the
homeless, the mass of barrio dwellers, the proletariat and precariat, the
street vendors and some peasants (Venezuela is 90% urban, but there is a leftist ‘back to the
land’ movement developing) all were drawn into communes.
The communes produce
manufactured goods, rural foodstuffs or materials, host television, radio and
sports programs, form retail outlets like restaurants and super-markets, rely
on democratic elections to control their activities, form a base for the left
in the Socialist Party and include links to armed ‘collectives’ that protect
the communes. These collectives helped
corral the drug trade in some barrios and will not lay down their arms, in
spite of demands to do so. The communes
attempt to bypass the import sector, the source of a culture of upper-class consumerism
centered around expensive whiskey, electronics and cars. The goal of many of their leaders is not simply
to exist, but to grow and eventually lead to a socialist Venezuela.
In a sense, this is the Venezuelan
version of Paris Commune, the ‘soviets’ of Russia, the ‘workers councils’ of
Germany or Italy, the ‘communes’ of China, the liberated areas of India, the
‘peoples’ assemblies’ attempting to launch in the U.S. They are no historical accident, but the
inevitable development of a new society attempting to be born out of the old. As Ciccariello-Maher says: “Still capitalist,
not yet socialist, Venezuela stands uncomfortably between two economic systems
and two different states…”
As part of the book,
Ciccariello-Maher does in-depth work undermining of the upper-class rebels in
Venezuela – the only thing known in the U.S. about this country The 2014 upsurge by the wealthy and middle-classes involved only 19 of 335
municipalities nationwide. He explains
the present ‘capital strike’ whereby food is diverted from the population by
Venezuelan food corporations to be sold overseas or to create hunger. The rebellions and discredited leaders are
funded by the U.S. State Department through USAID, the NED and the IRI. This was the policy of the ‘progressive’
Obama administration, which was trying to turn back the ‘pink tide’ in Latin
America, specifically focusing on Brazil, Honduras and Argentina, in favor of U.S. corporate
ownership overseas. No different than
former U.S. governments helping United Fruit, but with a more sophisticated
‘fox’ as the cover.
The main issue in Venezuela then is to move forward toward a communal society and state or be destroyed by local reaction and it's big brother, imperialism.
The main issue in Venezuela then is to move forward toward a communal society and state or be destroyed by local reaction and it's big brother, imperialism.
Other books on Latin America
or involving it: “Anthology of Writings
of Jose Carlos Mariategui“, “Open Veins of Latin America,” “The
Diary of Che Guevara,” “Drug War Capitalism,” “Secret History of
the American Empire,” “Dream of the Celt,” “The Daminificados”
and “The Structural Crisis of Capitalism.”
And I bought it at Mayday
Books!
Red Frog
March 9, 2017
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