“Ragged
Revolutionaries – The Lumpenproletariat and African American
Marxism in Depression Era-Literature” by Nathaniel Mills, 2017
This
is an academic look at 3 left-wing writers – Richard
Wright, Ralph Ellison and Margaret Walker - centered on their work in
the 1930s at the height of Communist Party (CP) influence in various
movements. Mills claims that these 3 extended Marxism by
incorporating the 'lumpen-proletariat' into the revolutionary forces,
similar to what they think Frantz Fanon and the Black Panther Party
(BPP) did later. Walker was a member of the CP for a time; Wright
was close to the CP until he broke with them, and Ellison was in CP
literary front groups until he joined the mainstream literary crowd.
The
thesis is that Marx and Engel's distaste for the lumpen-proletariat
was due to their negative role in the 1848 revolutions when they
allied with the ruling powers or did nothing. Mills points out that
this is an historical evaluation, not a theoretical one. In the
Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels wrote that this strata was
a victim of capital; but at other times they wrote that they would
sell out, prey on the proletariat or be useless in a struggle. I
think the problem is centered in the description of 'who' is in the
actual lumpen-proletariat, and this extends to Mills himself.
Everyone outside the stable production system – hobos or
prostitutes in his usage - or ruined by the production system –
beggars - is not a necessarily a lumpen. Hobos actually work
occasionally and you can make a case that prostitutes are exploited
sex workers. All 'poor' people are not lumpen as many have jobs, as
do homeless people and drug addicts, though some have been ruined by
addiction. The categories of lumpen used by Wills are flawed and
confuse marginal workers with criminals.
On
the other hand the BPP and Mills both celebrate criminals as 'having
agency' – a sort of romantic embrace that does not detail the real
role of, for instance, gangs in social life. You can make a Marxist
case that actual gangs are just illegal capitalist businesses and
that illegal drug and gun dealers are providing a service like any
businessman. These people are not exclusively 'Robin Hoods' robbing
the rich or banks, nor are they moonshiners or weed dealers. Many
criminals shoot, rob, rape or target poor people around them; cyber
criminals take advantage of the vulnerable; white collar criminals
effortlessly steal money. A historical study of the role of 'blue
collar' gangs in social struggle would be useful in this estimation
and perhaps you could start with the Haitian gangs presently fighting
in Port Au Prince. Castro quickly got rid of the lumpen-bourgeois
Mafia in Cuba, as, besides their criminality, they were in league
with Batista and the U.S. This book ignores the historical role of
actual criminals though.
The
Texts
Figures
like Wright's Bigger Thomas from Native Son, or Twain's
Huckleberry Finn from his self-named Adventures are
alleged to be representative of the progressive possibilities of
lumpens. Huckleberry was a teenager, 13 to 14 years old. He's a
teenage runaway helping Jim, and neither teenagers nor runaways are
lumpens. His is a heroic act, as white folks in other parts of the
slave South were executed for helping runaways or in rebellions and
luckily, that did not happen to Huck.
Bigger
Thomas in Native Son
was a composite of 4 different people that Wright knew, as he made
clear in 1940s How Bigger Was Born – a
bully, a scammer, a criminal and an unemployed man – all alienated
from society and very angry in some way, but not all 'lumpen.' In
Wright's 1941 book The Man Who Lived Underground
a similar person to Bigger is represented. He worked precariat odd
jobs until the police chose to patsy and abuse him. In Native
Son, being a bully doesn't mean
not working – in fact they are usually 'successful' people. Being
unemployed fits into Marx's strata of the reserve army of the
unemployed. Bigger himself worked as a servant. Scammers and even
pimps mimic regular business culture – their jobs are part of the
lumpen petit-bourgeoisie. Is poverty a creature of class society?
Yes. Are these characters on the edge of the official
production system? Yes. Are criminals part of the 'circulation of
capital'? Actually yes, as a significant chunk of the banking flow
in the world comes from crime, especially drugs and white-collar
fraud. Ask HSBC or any Swiss bank.
Mills
mentions the larger universe of proletarian and 'bottom dog'
literature. He discusses Claude MaKay's vision of rootless
precarians, including sailors in Marseilles, in Banjo;
Mike Gold's Jews Without Money that
depicts a New York slum youth breaking with his criminal buddies;
CP'er Nelson Algren's descriptions in A Lumpen
and Somebody in Boots
of transient white men in Chicago who can't grasp black-white unity
or collective struggle. Edward Dahlberg, author of numerous books
like Bottom Dogs came
closer to what Mills' is talking about.
Romantic
figures like gamblers, hustlers, blues men, hobos, ragpickers and
Stagolee people the imagination of the lovers of the itinerant
sub-proletariat – yet who are no longer as romantic or numerous.
If you hear some folk singer yowling about this archaic stuff, you'll
see the contradiction. Yeah, people don't want to work, its
alienated trouble, sure, and that's most of us. But these legendary
roles are semi-working class except Stagolee and fraudsters who live
off opportunity, mobility and chance. The Stagolee of legend, Lee
Shelton, was a pimp, gang leader and murdered a competitor – very
few people's role model. Modern criminal anti-heroes are served up
to us on TV frequently, with assassins the pinnacle. It is tired
ideological propaganda for bloody individualism and do-it-yourself
capitalism. This ain't cutting edge - it's nowhere near an
emancipatory blade.
In
Native Son Bigger is associated with Lenin and, while
abhorring waged work, he finally moves towards the CP for subjective
reasons. Wright's point is that revolution contains more than just
8-hour-a-day workers - not news in the poverty-stricken 1930s. Mills
repeatedly emphasizes that Bigger was extremely alienated from
society and wanted to 'be seen' and his 'story told'
and to 'have agency' – to not be invisible. Is this truly
revolutionary? It can certainly lead many to joining socialist
groups. But in a capitalist context it also means the invisibility
of dark-skinned semi-proletarians will be supplanted by the
visibility of middle-class people of color – which is what has
actually happened. On a similar subject, is any kind of
violence by the oppressed laudable 'agency?' Mills hero Eldridge
Cleaver wrote in Soul on Ice that the serial raping of 'white'
women was somehow revolutionary – though he practiced on 'black'
women.
Mills
does an in-depth study of Ellison's unpublished left-wing 1930's
stories – Tillman and Tackhead and Slick - which
focus on marginal workers and down and outs. It's very clear that
Jim Crow and the Depression were the biggest social influences on
these 1930s writers. Ellison shows multi-ethnic unity and the
complexity of social groups within class society, especially the
turbulent African-American side of Oklahoma City. This 'chaos' and
complexity continues to exist today, which is why a simple-minded
class analysis fails to understand the twisting variations of social
and economic roles and how that relates to revolution. Mills
attributes Ellison's position, like Wright's, to understanding the
influence of what he romantically calls 'lumpen-folk' culture
– something still seen today.
Lastly
Mills analyzes Walker's 1930s unpublished book Goose Island
and poems from her book For My People, which focus on
capitalist poverty creating crime. These are Chicago versions of Les
Miserables, as Goose Island's lead characters are
'juvenile delinquents' and prostitutes. Walker goes further down the
line of lionizing rebellious criminals like Stagolee as agents of
liberation. Mills concludes that she replaced the proletariat with
the semi-proletariat and lumpen as the real agents of change. In1966
Walker published Jubilee, a somewhat traditional historical
novel covering slavery, the Civil War and Reconstruction from the
point of view of people of color.
|
Algeria Independent 1962 |
Marxism
as Method
Marx
never alleged that the only people who could rebel in an emancipatory
direction were those in the direct productive sphere. It is
well-known that housewives would aid in strikes, for instance.
Marginal semi-labor strata are created by capital's class system and
poverty after all. Marxists know that full-time workers have more
power and organization, as they are stationed at the heart of the
profit system. This is why they were 'bought off' in the central
capitalist countries, as the BPP's Cleaver wrote. They are too
valuable to ignore and too strong to ignore. Does this mitigate
their revolutionary potential? Of course, but that doesn't change
their centrality, especially when the bribe money starts running out,
which it is doing now. Some Left academics are always looking for a
substitute to the “boring, stupid, complacent” working class and
are more excited by criminals and culture. This book has a touch of
that.
Mills
makes it clear that these dark-skinned writers did not reject Marxism
as some 'European white' thing – they, like the BPP and Fanon,
adopted it and revised it to highlight marginal populations. Fanon's
masses of immiserated people living in the crowded casbahs, favelas,
barrios and slums of the colonies are not the same as Marx's 1848
Parisian underclass. This reveals that Marxism is a factual method,
not 'Bible'
study. The national oppression that Fanon addressed is an added
burden to class oppression and this is significant in the U.S. too.
A study of the Algerian national liberation struggle's class makeup,
a struggle Fanon supported, would be useful. It certainly did not
involve many people with full-time jobs and dental care! Street
peddlers, shop owners, youth, street urchins, displaced rural
peasants, day laborers, ex-soldiers, intellectuals, the poverty
stricken and some criminals probably formed the core of the FLN
military struggle. It was a national struggle after all, an angle Mills does not deal with. Of note, in Algiers the FLN actually
executed criminals to take control of the Casbah. This should give
Mills pause.
A
modern Marxist view of the lumpen-proletariat centers around
crime and fraud, not around rootlessness, precarity, poverty or
invisibility. At moments of uprising many marginal workers will join a struggle. Another strata are people who are too damaged, addicted or mentally unstable to get
their lives together, let alone work with a revolutionary
movement. Nearly all criminals on the other hand? No. Lumpen
individuals and gangs would only help in a rebellion if they see
something in it for themselves, like profit, or get bribed by the wealthy. The Spanish film Gun
City
about a real anarchist revolt in 1922 Barcelona showed just that. In
the 2020 George Floyd rebellion in Minneapolis-St. Paul, criminals
took advantage of the turmoil to rob stores and banks or just burn
buildings.
Crime
has now grown as an industry spanning continents. It not just some
jewelry heist in Boston's Beacon Hill carried out by cool future
radical Malcolm X - now it's cartels, help from governments and banks
and millions of dollars in riches. Crime is globalized and
oligopolized. There are 4 main '1%' criminal motorcycle gangs left
in the world for instance. Noticeably the IRA told the Angels to get out of Ireland - and they did for awhile. None of this is romantic - it's business.
As Al Capone said: “This
American system of ours, call it Americanism, call it capitalism,
call it what you will, gives each and every one of us a great
opportunity if we seize it with both hands and make the most of it.”
This is why the tortured
academic definition of criminals as having some kind of emancipatory
'agency,' opposed to 'the system' and representing 'revolution' is
nonsense, even in black-face. Without a conversion experience (the
book Monster or Autobiography of Malcolm X or Native
Son) or confronting a stronger people's organization, they are
not going to become socialists or revolutionaries. What this book
basically is is a mediation on the effect structural racism has on
the economy of dark-skinned people, separating them from
fully-employed life and pushing so many to the edges, making them
invisible drones who hate alienated work. These writers chose to
focus on them. Does this strata have revolutionary potential?
Sometimes yes - provided the proletariat shows up too. Alone they can
only act partially and episodically. Considering them human and
having positive potential is the insight that 'bottom dog' literature
provides, which is what this book is really about.
While marred by a flawed
thesis, the book highlights long-neglected proletarian literature of
the 1930s and stands for Marxism in its own way. This is a rarity in
English studies and is certainly worth reading.
Prior
reviews on this topic, use blog search box, upper left, to
investigate our 17 year archive, using these terms:
“How Bigger Was Born” and
“The Man Who Lived Underground” (both
by Wright); “
“The Outlaws,” “ Amiable With Big Teeth” (McKay); “Drug War
Capitalism,” “Central America's Forgotten History,” “Peaky
Blinders,” “Gun City,” “How to Rob an Armored Car,” “Kill
the Assassins!” Marx Dead and Alive” (Merrifield); “Ozark,”
“We Own This City,” “American Made,” “Athena,” “The
Committed” (Nguyen), “Class – the New Critical Idiom,”
“L'Assommoir” (Zola); “Factory Days” (Gibbs); “Polar Star”
(Cruz), 'proletarian fiction.'
And I got at the the UGA
Library.
May Day Books has many
books on racism and poverty and volumes of left-wing fiction.
Red Frog / April 7, 2024