“How to Spot a Fascist” by Umberto Eco, 1997
This famous essay was referenced by Chris Hedges in his work
“American Fascists,” a book about U.S.
Christian Dominionism. Eco’s analysis is popular with left
liberals as a take on the present Trump movement. Eco, the Italian author of “Name of the Rose” and “Foucault’s Pendulum,” grew up as a boy
under Mussolini and remembers the day that Mussolini was overthrown in 1945. His
description of ‘Ur-Fascism’ intentionally avoids a specific historical
or economic frame and sounds like later cultural and intellectual descriptions
of ‘general’ fascism. Eco is not a Marxist, though he recognizes the leading
role of the PCI in the armed Resistance in Italy and seems somewhat irritated
by it.
These are the 14 culturo-political points Eco thinks
identify a fascist movement, though they could also identify conservatives of
various stripes. That is a weakness here,
though these points are based on his observations of ideas found in real Italian,
Spanish and German fascism. It is
obvious that these fascisms sought to ‘improve’ on conservatism, even though
their ideologies were not identical. Yet
Eco’s 14 points ignore a very significant reality. That is classic fascism’s role as a violent
and dictatorial bulwark against the working-class, unions and the Left in
support of the profits of the capitalist system. That key point is missing. He does not even include Mussolini’s
simplistic point about ‘corporatism’ as fascism. I guess these are not ‘Ur’ enough for him.
This is his Ur-Fascism:
1. Traditionalism. It is born out of a Catholic reaction to
rationalism and the French Revolution, as interpreted by fascist 'theoretician' Julius Evola in Italy. Truth already exists, so further searching is
unnecessary. The past holds everything.
(This method is actually a link to post-modernism and AI too.)
2. A rejection of modernism. The European Enlightenment and the ‘age of
Reason’ are both rejected ideologically.
While technology is embraced, science is not, which is an obvious
contradiction.
3. Irrationalism. Action is preferred over
thought, leading to anti-intellectualism.
4. Dissent as betrayal. Critical thinking and dissent
are opposed. Distinctions only impede ‘clarity’ so simple binary thinking is
preferred.
5.
Difference. The opposition to ‘intruders’
and ‘others’ is across the board.
6. Appeal to the frustrated middle classes. This is the point where Eco finally touches on class, as he observed that these Italian classes, when in economic trouble, moved towards fascism. Marxists also observed this phenomena. Note, his use of the term 'middle class' means the petit-bourgeois business, professional and farmer strata, not the working class. The working class actually exists below the middle-class.
7.
Xenophobia. For those without an identity,
the ‘nation’ provides one. Eco links
this to an obsession with conspiracies as a substitute for actual
knowledge.
8.
The
Enemy. The
needed and chosen enemy is both extremely strong and full of weaklings.
9.
War. Life is permanent war. Eco
hints that this eventually leads to Armageddon.
10.
Elitism. The poor, the sick, the
laborer, the weak, etc. are all inferior.
This translates to a hardy embrace of the class system and a leadership
cult. He, however, does not mention the
issue of a leader explicitly.
11.
Death
cult. This is the cult of the
military hero.
12.
Machismo. Women, gays, lesbians and
non-conformists are all inferior.
13.
Populism. Individualism is denied, and
only ‘The People’ exist. Eco makes the
point that ‘The People’ in this case are a ‘theatrical pretense,’ as the leader
or nation dominates. So Ur-Fascism
opposes “rotten parliamentary governments’
in the name of ‘The People.’
14. Newspeak. Eco borrows Orwell’s concept of words that slowly mean nothing, or become whatever power chooses them to mean. As Eco puts it, “poor vocabulary and elementary syntax” are part of the method. As you can see he’s a writer.
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Mussolini and Co. Caught by Partisans |
The implication of this list is that the humanitarian
“left” must be the mirror opposite of all these ideas. For instance #9 implies that pacifism will
answer fascism’s drive to war and violence.
Yet pacifism did not stop fascism in Italy. This is relevant to some other points as well.
Eco, like Zizek, is a defender of the Enlightenment and the
EU idea, the idea that nations should not wage war and instead work together
and combine. The EU itself came about
due to the constant wars that wracked Europe.
This contradicts the pretensions of conservatism, the Right and
Ur-Fascism which seek to destroy the EU and a misnamed ‘globalism.’ Eco understands that racism and hostility to
‘non-EU citizens’ is still rampant in Europe, but this falls short of tariffs,
sanctions, fascism or war. This thin
volume adds two Eco essays - one on forms of censorship as either silence or
noisy nonsense – and another on the ‘European’ idea of a 'humanist' but capitalist
form of internationalism.
Given liberals and many impressionist leftists are now
calling Trump or the Republicans ‘fascists,’ Eco’s Ur description might warm their hearts. Certainly many of these 14 points show up in
Trumpism. However the bloody
dictatorship of capital is not yet upon us in the U.S., so in a way this description
minimizes what classic fascism was, or can be. A Marxist analysis of fascism
can be found using prompts below.
P.S. –
Kash Patel, Trump’s new FBI Director, is a clone of J. Edgar Hoover. He’s coming hard after BLM, anti-fascists like
Antifa and Left organizations, while ignoring fascist violence. You may simplistically think every FBI
director is exactly the same - but that lack of subtly could be your undoing.
Prior blogspot reviews on this subject, use blog search box,
upper left, to investigate our 19 year archive, using these terms: “Anti-fascist
series #,” “Chris Hedges,” “Zizek,” “Orwell,” “Evola,” “Zetkin,” “Trotsky.”
And I got it at May Day Books used/cutout section!
Red Frog / March 14, 2025
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