Owning Ideas

 “Elite Capture – How the Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (and Everything Else)” by Olufemi O. Taiwo

Taiwo exposes the present usage of identity politics and intersectionality, showing how they have been taken over and distorted by those in power – principally the kente-cloth performers of the Democratic Party. The left view of identity was originally developed by the Combahee River Collective, a group of socialist-feminist black lesbians. One of their members, Barbara Smith, says of its present usage: it is “very different than what we intended.” It was originally intended to promote unity across struggles, not division.

Identity politics as practiced by the Democrats – and even Republicans – is that the gender, sexual orientation, skin color, nationality or religion of the politician is what is primary. This ignores their political beliefs, which, if featured, are inevitably those of the wealthy, European-American, male ruling elite behind them.

Taiwo recounts the contributions of Charles Frazier, who wrote “The Black Bourgeoisie” in 1957 and Frantz Fanon, who wrote “Wretched of the Earth” in 1962. Both exposed a layer of middle-class African Americans and Africans who gained wealth and/or power from the civil rights movement or the end of formal colonialism, and who turned their back on the black masses. Both are examples of 'elite capture' or what Frazier called a “lumpenbourgeoisie.” Present examples are the Black Congressional Caucus or the neo-colonial, comprador rulers of Nigeria, but there are many others.

Taiwo's contributions are several. He opposes a politics of guilty 'deference' to those 'more marginalized' – and proposes a “constructive politics” as more effective. Instead of focusing on issues of personal complicity, moralism or aesthetics, he proposes a focus on outcomes. This is in order to unify various struggles to achieve actual success and power. He illustrates how in the U.S. black consumerism, black capitalism or an insulated 'black economy' (like NOI) are weak, difficult or almost impossible in that order. Nor are they goals for the majority of the black population. Black capitalism is a consistent propaganda point by 'elite' media like NPR and PBS and more.

Elite Capitalism

Taiwo goes all the way up to the international level in his schematic, saying the IMF, the World Bank and the multi-national corporations who dominate the world economy also reflect 'elite capture.' All well and good, except for the academic framing. As I have learned, simple definitions are 'upgraded' by creative academics who substitute a word like 'elite' for the more direct word in this case - 'capitalist.' Corporations and international banking entities weren't 'captured' – they originated from the capitalist class. 'Elite' is a general word used in sociology for various upper strata, but somewhat empty of class content. Even Republicans howl about anti-nationalist 'elites' who went to college, drink wine, eat Brie cheese, drive Volvos and look down on 'good 'ol Americans' who drink beer, eat Velveeta, drive Fords and only passed high school. This is a view of 'elites' absent real class content, which is why Republicans use it.

Taiwo goes on to discuss game and social theory about how power determines behavior in conversations in every context – work, media, schools, social groups, political parties, families, what have you. In effect, we must claim the king wears clothes, even though we see he is naked, because we might lose our job, position, role or relationship. According to Taiwo, 'deference politics' only changes the attention economy, not the real one. “Sharing our stories” is one of those methods. Academics call this “standpoint epistemology,” but now it is the pat liberal version of liberation. It is not true that one story can change the country, as Obama maintained - and as he proved.

Amilcar Cabral of the PAIGC

Anti-Colonial Struggle

Taiwo seems to direct this book at the academic, NGO/non-profit and liberal corporate worlds that are deeply involved in anti-political deference functioning. This part of the book seems excessively psychological, as if he's attempting to soothe the psyches of those who think otherwise. He understands the personal uses of 'deference' but is focused on its limitations. 

Taiwo then goes on to quote Amilcar Cabral against cultural relativism; Paulo Freire on critical consciousness. He focuses on the struggle against the Portuguese empire in Africa, especially in Cape Verde/Guinea Bissau, which overthrew a long-running colonial and fascist government in Portugal backed by NATO in 1973.

The African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) instituted a guerilla struggle after dozens of dockworkers were massacred. They used many methods – a secular education program that included girls and adults; alliances with Cuba, the USSR, the Swedish Social Democrats, the Portuguese CP, Nkrumah, Toure and the OAU. They put out a newspaper and involved women in the armed struggle. This kind of experience gives Taiwo a critical eye to the limp methods in the U.S. - although the PAIGC methods are specific to the anti-colonial struggles across the world at that time. The PAIGC was not against the (white) Portuguese or even captured Portuguese soldiers, which aided the revolutionary struggle in Portugal itself that came after their success n 1973. As they said “some white people oppress us and others help us.” A real basic idea.

In the end, Taiwo vaguely wants to 'build things' that in a permanent way create power to counter racial capitalism. 'What that is ain't exactly clear,' to para-quote Buffalo Springfield. He does suggest a few commonplace ideas, including a debt jubilee for student, medical, payday and judicial debt, as debt is part of the control structure in the U.S. No mention of mortgages! He runs through a familiar litany of CIA coups, climate change, NAFTA, the incarceration state, the UFW and personal humiliation.

At bottom, to me academics have to contribute something new. I'm not sure his ideas of 'deference politics' and 'constructive politics' qualify – i.e. giving new names to issues already known. Virtue signaling, white guilt, black nationalism, divisiveness, performative anti-racism – all are preexisting names for the former.

P.S. - In a 2023 interview on Democracy Now!, Taiwo reveals himself to be a secret socialist.

Prior blog reviews on this subject, use blog search box, upper left, to investigate our 15 year archive, using these terms: “Mistaken Identity” (Haider); “The South”(A. Reed); “Toward Freedom – the Case Against Race Reductionism”(T. Reed); “Like a Thief in Broad Daylight” (Zizek); “The Populists' Guide to 2020,” “The New Black,” “The Six-Sided Prison.”

And I got it at May Day Books!

Red Frog

June 15, 2022