“The
Peoples’ Republic of Wal-Mart – How the World’s Biggest Corporations are Laying
the Foundation for Socialism” by Leigh Phillips and Michael Rozworski, 2019
The
tongue-in-cheek title suggests an obvious fact that many, including socialists,
overlook. We are used to thinking of
large corporations and banks needing to be ‘broken-up,’ as they are part of the
dangers of capital. This is economics’
nerd Elizabeth Warren’s position, channeling the archaic 1901 politics of Teddy
Roosevelt. Yet if ‘trusts’ needed to be
busted around the turn of the century, and now oligopolies need to be ‘busted’
up again more than 100 years later, what does that say about the capitalist system? It says it produces oligopolies and
monopolies like cows produce calves.
Bust ‘em up, they reform again, as capital always consolidates. This has happened throughout capital’s
history. So the real answer is, don’t go
back, go forward.
Tongue only Partly in the Cheek |
Phillips/Rozworski
use socialist thinking to turn ‘trust-busting’ on its head and ‘go forward.’ What they show is that capital naturally
leads to planning inside corporations and even in parts of the economy outside. Planning is one basis for socialism, the
others being democratic control by the working class through councils. The third is ending the profit motive and private
ownership of the ‘commanding heights’ of the economy. The authors do this by carefully looking at
how Wal-Mart, Amazon and other large corporations are internally completely-planned
entities that span the globe, larger than the economies of many countries.
This planning
has been greatly aided by the advent of digital ‘big data’ – i.e. the
computational logistical abilities to know what is happening between cash
register and raw materials suppliers on an international basis. They argue
against neo-liberals like Mises and Hayek of the Austrian school, who
maintained that socialist planners would not be able to ‘know’ what was going on in so complex a process. Only through the ‘free market’ version of prices
would information be understood regarding supply and demand. This was called the ‘socialist calculation’
debate. The authors argue that computerization, information data and worker-involvement
can make that argument even more obsolete – though it was obsolete before, as
history has shown.
Phillips/Rozworski
borrow a 1950s insight from CLR James, who posited that socialism was already
existing in parts of the capitalist system, 'in the egg.’ Many capitalist governments already attempt
to plan in certain non-profitable sectors.
So why shouldn’t the 6 largest banks in the U.S. be nationalized? Why shouldn’t Facebook or Comcast be taken
over as a public utilities? Why
shouldn’t the massive logistics entities of Amazon, Wal-Mart, GM and
the rest be seized and run by the working-class, which would then allocate the
surplus to society, not the billionaire class, instead of being broken up?
Phillips/Rozworski
have a section on the history of the British National Health Service and how
from 1948 to the 1970s the NHS slowly developed a successful national plan to
improve health in the U.K. Since then there have been constant efforts
by neo-liberal Tories and “New” Labour politicians to marketize and un-plan the
NHS. Which illustrates the unending poisonous role of the capitalist class, who like undead monsters continually attack social gains.
The authors include an excellent section on planning in the USSR,
which allowed it, especially under Khrushchev, to become the 2nd
largest economy in the world – much as China is now. They track how this ‘planning’ stalled under
Brezhnev's bureaucratism. The early Bolsheviks had no
roadmap on how to socialize the economy and so planning developed haphazardly in response
to the exigencies of the Civil War under ‘war communism’ and later, the NEP. The
authors point out that the violent authoritarianism and caprices of Stalin
actually impeded planning and information.
Going beyond the clichés of aging socialists against technology, they
cite the progressive work of economic planners and cybernetic experts like Leontiev, Kantorovich,
Lange, Bogdanov, Bukharin, Popov, Glushkov, Cockschott and Beers. What was key to these computational planners
was not finding a perfect algebraic algorithm, but a practical one that
worked in understanding parts or all of an economy.
The authors
include a section on the failure of planning in Yugoslavia, which was based on
‘market socialism’ that had enterprises competing with each other, ultimately
leading to a centrifugal flying apart of the regions that made up Yugoslavia. Other books
that analyze what happened in workers' states like Poland and the USSR indicate
that enterprises and sectors ignored planning too except in relation to
themselves, so a similar situation as Yugoslavia. The authors also have an excellent section on the creation of a
primitive ‘socialist’ internet in Chile in 1970 under Salvador
Allende, which aided in national planning against a capitalist truck strike that sought
to bring down Allende.
An economy
is a complex entity, and a world economy is even more complex. Basic transitional and revolutionary demands about workers control or
nationalization only begin the conversation. The question
in the real world becomes HOW. Besides capitalist ideologues, opposition to
national, regional or international planning comes from small businessmen
and the quaint middle class, who think that only a small-scale solution is
possible. But that ‘solution’ disappears
when you consider the scope of economies today. Pure localism only goes so far in addressing the issue, as it lacks economies
of scale and information, so the authors dismiss it.
Capital, as Phillips/Rozworski point out, creates a situation where ‘what is profitable is not always useful and what is useful is not always profitable.’ This irrationality is not affordable anymore, yet capital itself is setting the stage for its own replacement, weaving its own organizational, robotic and digital rope so to speak. This is an excellent book that every leftist should read, as it lays out the technical basis for democratic planning, nationalization, workers control, equality, stability and socialism.
Capital, as Phillips/Rozworski point out, creates a situation where ‘what is profitable is not always useful and what is useful is not always profitable.’ This irrationality is not affordable anymore, yet capital itself is setting the stage for its own replacement, weaving its own organizational, robotic and digital rope so to speak. This is an excellent book that every leftist should read, as it lays out the technical basis for democratic planning, nationalization, workers control, equality, stability and socialism.
Other
reviews on this subject below, use blog search box, upper left: “To Serve God and Wal-Mart,” “New
Dark Age,” “In Letters of Fire and Blood,” “Cyber-Proletariat,” “Welcome to the
Desert of Post-Socialism,” “The Courage of Hopelessness,” (Zizek) “From
Solidarity to Sellout,” “Facing Reality,” (CLR James); “Cypher Punks,” (Assange);
“The Contradictions of Real Socialism," "No Local."
And I
bought it at May Day Books!
Red Frog
May 13,
2019
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