“The Five Stages of
Collapse – Survivor’s Toolkit,” by Dimitri Orlov, 2013.
Orlov is the village anarchist. At least that’s the solution
this book comes up with. Financial,
commercial, political, social and cultural collapse coming? Get back to small hunter/gatherer
or farming communities based on family and gift economics. Orlov disregards the working class and
socialism, which is understandable for many people burned by
Stalinism / bureaucratism. But he’s not
naïve enough to suck up to capital, which he criticizes throughout the book. He does see some benefits in the workers state
economies, which were not based on the ‘market’ but on earlier forms of
cooperation. Yet his enemy is not profit
or the capitalist class but industrialism itself, ‘largeness’ itself, the state
itself (as if the state or an armed force can never represent the majority) and
hierarchy itself – mostly centrist-anarchist concerns.
Orlov wrote “Reinventing Collapse” (reviewed below) about
the destruction of the Russian economy in the 90s under the tender bourgeois
tutelage of Jeffrey Sachs and George Soros.
That book had the benefit of a specific and factual focus. Now he’s attempted to synthesize that experience
to global dimensions – and produced an idiosyncratic, contradictory and somewhat derivative account. Just the
anthropological studies he chooses to highlight are odd. Iceland’s
premier in the face of the 2008 financial collapse; the Russian Mafia; the
Pashtuns; the Roma; and a tribe in Africa
called the “Ik.” Many right-wing
anarchists have a fascination with lumpenism, thieves and crime. His inclusion of the Russian Mafia, the Roma
and the Pashtuns as examples of solid family structures that are enduring and perhaps
enviable in the coming collapse reflects this.
Iceland
makes sense, but the Icelandic right just triumphed in recent elections,
reflecting that the anti-financial consensus in that tiny nation was very
fragile. And not the occasion for 'smallness' to overcome. The mass struggles in Greece, Spain
and Egypt? The restiveness of the massive Chinese and
Indian working classes? Invisible. In fact, the majority of people in this world
are invisible to the great cooperator, Orlov.
Right-wing anarchists dislike the working class and here Orlov agrees. His theory is that the working
class was born of industrialism and will die as it decays, due to peak
commodities, financial collapse and climate change. This certainly has some truth – although even
the working class of Marx’s time, small as it was, was able to impact
events. Witness the 1848 revolutions and
the Paris Commune. As he well knows, the
small Russian working class led the Russian revolution and later the Chinese revolution. Now that the working class is the largest it
has ever been in history world-wide, Orlov wants to hasten it off the stage of
history quickly – to be supplanted by nomadic hunter-gatherers, without written
languages but a splendid oral tradition. This he calls
‘survival.’ I call it petit-bourgeois
romanticism.
Unfortunately for Orlov, the working class outnumbers the Pashtuns,
the Roma and the Russian Mafia now and will, even after a financial, economic
or political collapse. That is OUR mob. The
possibility of world-wide global revolution is now more possible than it was
even during Lenin and Trotsky's time. It can result
in a steady-state economy that is sustainable and is not based on chaotic
markets or growth.
Orlov does support cooperation as the answer to collapse,
and that is progressive. Like Kropotkin
he understands that humans succeed when they help each other, not when they
fight. Yet he pictures the pyramid of people to cooperate with like this. First, family and clan; second, friends;
third, strangers. Now you will notice
there is no room here for ‘co-workers’ or even ‘neighbors,’ let alone something
like ‘class.’ Given Orlov is an isolated
writer, he has no co-workers. His only
co-worker is his cup of tea or perhaps a liter of vodka. Instead he advocates ‘de-proletarianization,’
which to him means the wonders of avoiding industrial and white-collar work.
I suspect he has been highly successful in that regard. He highlights lumpens who proudly avoid work
or rip off those who do. His vision of the future under a collapse of all industrial
life seems to be a very luxurious life.
No one evidently has to hunt or farm or work much. Just create cultural artifacts and socialize. Agricultural work in the hot sun without many machines? No problem. Hunting for small game? Always a dead shot! Fishing without a fish finder in the wide ocean? No problem. The perspective is somewhat
ridiculous and starry-eyed, but then, we have to look forward to something
other than the abyss.
Contradictions abound in this book. He slights the survivalists who are making
money off fear. Yet his books are
selling based on the fear of collapse.
He denigrates literacy and the internet while writing a popular
blog. He denigrates the nation-state
while promoting the ‘city-state’ of yore.
He claims atheism, while promoting the enduring quality of religious
institutions. He opposes theocracy and
then tells us how ‘together’ and ‘anti-imperialist’ the Pashtuns are. He predicts world collapse by 2050 at the
latest, but then delineates how the present European financial crisis is
leading to near economic collapse.
Certainly, this particular collapse will not take 38 years. He stigmatizes the U.S. for its high prison population, then claims it is a result of illiteracy, not the war on drugs. He is encouraged by the increasing number of
‘failed states’ – glorying in the fall of the state apparatuses. Yet he ostensibly opposes their replacement –
war-lordism. He insists there is a space
for anarchic cooperation to develop in Mogadishu
and the upper Congo
instead. This paradise of cooperation
has not occurred yet. Misery by itself
usually does not produce progressive social change. Oppression, instead, oppresses.
Orlov, unfortunately, has become adept at lazy, sweeping
generalizations and general bloviating. There
are certainly some nuggets of usefulness here, but submerged in a sea of
romanticism.
His theory is that his stages of collapse – first financial,
then commercial, political, social and cultural – can be separately
analyzed. He hopes that social and
cultural collapse can be contained, because otherwise human life will descend
to below animal culture, as his survey of the “Ik” tribe describes. The Iks are subject to extreme starvation
because the Kenyan government has forbidden them access to their ancestral
homelands inside a ‘nature’ park. The
government has chosen animal-animals before human-animals in this case. As a result, the Ik have no food and live a
‘every person for themselves’ life – throwing children out of the hut at 3 and
letting the old die. Their biggest source of humor is the misfortunes of
others. The Ik, however, are not victims
of collapse per se, but of bureaucratic state laws, neo-liberalism and the resulting starvation.
Who is Dimitri Orlov?
Well, in this book he mentions that both his father and grandfather were
professors in the old USSR. The family left the USSR in the
first wave of dissidents in 1972. Now he
loves sailing and is a self-identified writer and blogger. He lives on a boat at last check. His hero is Peter Kropotkin, who engaged in
the Russian Revolution by doing absolutely nothing while in-country, dying in
his bed in 1921. If the revolution or
even social upheaval comes to the U.S. Orlov will probably be invisible,
preserving his family in water-world, while fishing for the few remaining
species in the ocean. Co-operation? ‘Group’
survival? Not unless you are related.
And I bought it at May Day Books!
Red Frog
July 4, 2013
Celebrate the 1776 Revolution from British Colonialism, a
true revolution of cooperation, not carried out by families, mafia or thieves,
but by an army of dedicated small farmers and city workers. “Our” mob.
1 comment:
'Unfortunately for Orlov, the working class outnumbers the Pashtuns, the Roma and the Russian Mafia now and will, even after a financial, economic or political collapse. That is OUR mob. The possibility of world-wide global revolution is now more possible than it was even during Lenin’s time. It can result in a steady-state economy that is sustainable and is not based on chaotic markets or growth.'
There's no 'steady-state economy' I'm aware of. Peak fossil fuel, galloping climate change, and soil depletion are going to cause a die-off in the human population. It's also disputable whether there is an 'our mob.' If there is group co-operation it seems to be along clan and ethnic lines rather than abstract 'worker brotherhood.' I've seen enough of 'class solidarity' at meetings at Mayday Books to realise not one person would give me a bed for the night were I to become homeless. So Orlov's advice resonates with me. I agree, though, that his examples have been chosen idiosyncratically. But again, his chapters on the gypsies and the Russian mafia I found insightful. Not so convinced by his chapters on Iceland and the Ik.
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